Gun deaths reach alarming high, sparking debate over media’s role
EXPERT Q&A
Gun violence claimed 46,728 lives in the United States last year—the third-highest number of firearm-related deaths ever recorded—including a record-high 27,300 suicides by using a gun.
The data marks a significant escalation over the past decade, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, sparking an urgent examination of contributing factors, including the role of media.
Studies suggest that the portrayal of gun violence in TV shows, movies and news stories may lead to a contagion effect, potentially inspiring further violent acts. As researchers and organizations like the World Health Organization advocate for more responsible reporting, the debate continues over how media coverage can reflect and shape societal violence.
Researchers Paul Boxer and Eric Dubow of the University of Michigan’s Institute for Social Research say there is concern that the depiction of gun violence in the media, whether fictional or real, could lead to a broader influence and even encourage imitation in some instances. They collaborated with other scholars on the new Handbook of Gun Violence.
How much do TV shows, movies and news stories about gun violence influence people to commit similar violent acts?
Dubow: There is significant concern that gun violence in the media leads to a general contagion effect and a more specific copycat effect. For example, a highly publicized shooting event influences further incidents of gun violence.
Media contagion effects have been found for suicides. Several studies have also found evidence for mass shooting contagion effects. Still, other studies have found no evidence of contagion effects, and the mixed results seem to vary according to the type of complex statistical modeling used. Yet, data do show that highly publicized mass shooting events serve as models that influence some vulnerable individuals to act similarly as if following a script.
What advice do groups give the media about reporting gun violence? How could this help reduce it?
Dubow: The World Health Organization created a guide for media professionals on do’s and don’ts for reporting suicides in 2023. Suggestions include avoiding the use of sensational language, the method used, the location of the suicide, details of a suicide note or photographs.
Instead, the WHO recommends educating the public about facts about suicide, presenting stories about coping with life stress and depression and providing helping resources.
Other organizations have provided similar suggestions for media reporting on mass shootings to reduce the likelihood of copycat events, like minimizing sensationalism, not naming the shooter or providing the shooter’s manifesto, and not showing videos that the shooter may have taken during the event.
Why do some studies show that news reports of mass shootings lead to more shootings, while others do not, and how does data analysis affect these findings?
Boxer: Some studies show that news reports of mass shootings lead to more shootings, while others do not, due to differences in statistical methods used by researchers. This is not surprising given the complexity of the data needed to examine the effects. For example, researchers might disagree on the time window following an event during which a “copycat” incident might occur. If the window is too narrow (just a couple of weeks), copycat events might be missed. If the window is too wide (several months), it becomes difficult to determine whether a subsequent shooting is truly a copycat event.
How does media coverage of mass shootings compare to single-victim shootings? How does this difference affect public perception and potential imitation?
Boxer: It seems very clear that media coverage of mass shootings is far more extensive and longer-lasting than media coverage of single-victim shootings. This kind of coverage provides many more opportunities for viewers to learn about shooters, identify with them or the struggles they have faced, and understand the exact planning and implementation steps the shooters went through to engage in mass violence.
According to contemporary theory, this kind of coverage should increase the likelihood that a potential shooter becomes an actual shooter.
How do theories of observational learning explain media violence leading to real-life aggression, and what roles do personal beliefs and emotions play?
Boxer: Media violence—seeing people in the news, in “real life” or in fictionalized portrayals—displays models of how exactly to engage in aggressive or violent behavior. Suppose the behavior on screen is displayed as heroic or accomplishes desired goals, such as obtaining rewards (armed robbery), acquiring power (defeating an opponent) or resolving a struggle (winning a battle). This conveys that aggression and violence are legitimate and acceptable strategies for solving problems and accomplishing tasks.
Although it might initially be difficult for some viewers to stomach on-screen violence, especially real-life violence, research shows that viewers can, over time, become habituated to it—the unpleasant feelings diminish. If we don’t feel badly about violence, it’s much easier then to participate in it.
What are we still missing in our understanding of how media violence affects people?
Boxer: We know very little about how the flood of real violence visible through social media platforms impacts viewers—this is a challenge for psychological researchers, likely working in concert with data scientists and social media companies, to access and study social media content.
Ultimately, media literacy programs are going to have to take into account the fact that adolescents and young adults are now constantly online, facing multiple streams of potentially violent, graphic and disturbing content.
Is there evidence that childhood exposure to gun violence in TV shows or video games leads to later use or carrying of weapons?
Boxer: We have evidence from our research on this. Data collected from children who were then followed into adolescence and young adulthood show that kids who reported frequently playing violent video games were much more likely 10 years later to carry a gun, threaten others with guns, use guns against others and be arrested for some weapons offense.
This aligns well with the vast literature showing that childhood media violence consumption is associated with generally aggressive behavior in adulthood.